Weblog

Wednesday, 03 March 2010

  • Gazing at the mountains until they fade from view...

    It's been a busy few weeks, been working on this for a while, hoping I can get back on track... but there's a lot going on even now so it might not work out so well...

    額田王下近江国時作歌井戸王即和歌


    額田王、近江の国に下る時に作る歌、井戸王、即ち和ふる歌


    Nukata no Opokimi, a poem composed at the time of descending to the province of Apumi, Yi no pe no Opokimi, a poem in reply


    味酒 三輪乃山 青丹吉 奈良能山乃 山際 伊隠萬代 道隈 伊積流萬代尓 委曲毛 見菅行武雄 數々毛 見放武八萬雄 情無 雲乃 隠障部之也


    味酒三輪の山あをによし奈良の山の山の際にい隠るまで道の隈い積もるまでにつばらにも見つつ行かむをしばしばも見放けむ山を心なく雲の隠さふべしや


    Umasake                              Delicious wine

    Miwa no yama                    Mount Miwa- where wine is offered to the gods,

    Awo ni yoshi                        Blue earth,

    Nara no yama no                Mount Nara - rich with blue clay,

    Yama no ma ni                    Between the mountains

    Ikakuru made                     Until they are disappear

    Michi no kuma                    The bends in the road

    Itsumoru made ni               Until they pile up

    Tsubara ni mo                    How intently

    Mitsutsu yukamu wo          I will fix my gaze upon them as I go

    Shiba shiba mo                  Over and over

    Misakemu yama wo          These mountains which I seek to gaze upon and reflect,

    Kokoro naku                     Heartlessly

    Kumo no                           how can the clouds

    Kakusapu beshi ya           continue to hide them from me so?


    反歌


    三輪山乎 然毛隠賀 雲谷裳 情有南畝 可苦佐布倍思哉


    三輪山をしかも隠すか雲だにも心あらなも隠さふべしや


    Miwayama wo                               Mount Miwa—

    Shikamo kakusu ka                      must you hide it like that?

    Kumo dani mo                              Even clouds

    Kokoro aranamo                        ought to have hearts;

    Kakusapu beshi ya                      How can you continue to hide it?


    右二首歌山上憶良大夫類聚歌林曰遷都近江国時御覧三輪山御歌焉日本書紀曰六年丙寅春三月辛酉朔己卯遷都于近江

    右の二首の歌は、山上憶良大夫が類聚歌林には「都を近江の国に遷す時に、三輪山を御覧す御歌なり」といふ。日本書紀には「六年丙寅の春の三月、辛酉の朔の己卯に、都を近江に遷す」といふ。


    Regarding the above two poems, Lord Yamanoue no Okura says in Ruijiu Karin, “At the time the capital was moved to the province of Apumi, the honorable poems upon gazing at Mount Miwa.” In the Nihon Shoki it says, “In the third month of spring of the sixth year Older brother of fire Tiger, in the beginning of the month of the Younger brother of metal Bird on the Older brother of earth Rabbit day, [they] moved the capital to Apumi.”


    綜麻形乃 林始乃 狭野榛能 衣尓著成 目尓都久和我勢


    綜麻形の林のさきのさ野榛の衣に付くなす目につく我が背


    Pesokata no                            Line of spun hemp thread

    Payashi no saki no                 At the edge of the forest

    Sano hari no                          The hazel trees in the field

    Kinu ni tsuku nasu                Just as they bring color to my garment

    Me ni tsuku wa ga se             My beloved is brought before my eyes


    右一首歌今案不似和歌但舊本載于此次故以猶載焉

    右の一首の歌は、今案ふるに和ふる歌に似ず。ただし、旧本、この次に載す。この故になほし載す。


    Regarding the above poem, thinking of it now it does not resemble a reply poem. In an old book, it lists it as next. Therefore, we list it here.


    These three poems are, according to the preface provided, composed upon the move of the capital to Apumi (Ōmi) in 667 during the reign of Emperor Tenchi. There is a lot of speculation as to the significance of/the reason for this move: the capital since the beginning of the Yamato state had always been in the Kinki region, and moving outside of it was unheard of. Many attribute the move to Tenchi's fear of retaliation from the T'ang/Shilla army following the loss at the Battle of the Paekchon River. However, the move did not take place for a full four years after the battle and there were other factors at play. Regardless, the move was of course an emotional time for the emperor and the courtiers accompanying the emperor on the journey into Ōmi. Leaving the land their ancestors had long ruled from in various locations, they pass the famous Mount Miwa, long revered as the symbol of Emperor Sujin's court; it had been played down vs. Mount Kagu which became the symbol of the court from the time of Emperor Keitai, but the ancient religiosity of the mountain, its sacred quality and especially its deity were all very much likely at the forefront of the minds of the members of the imperial procession as it passed, and Nukata no Ōkimi captures that feeling in her choka + hanka combination which evoke the traditional images associated with the mountain while conveying the speaker's reluctance to leave it behind, the mountain with such a deep connection to the “history” of the Yamato court. Leaving the mountains behind is a symbol of leaving the Yamato basin behind, the land so long (well, how long is the question but...) the center of power for the Yamato rulers. Nukata no Ōkimi, as the “poetess of great words,” puts the feelings of the Emperor into song as we saw she often did with his mother Saimei (now passed away....). That is why again the quote from Yamanoue no Okura again assigns these two poems to the Emperor (Tenchi) in contrast to the headnote which designates it as the work of Nukata. Nukata, with her incredible poetic talents, was able to capture the emotions flowing through the emperor and the various other members of the procession through her poem.

    The poem by Yi no pe no Opokimi (Inoe no Ōkimi) is a poem in reply to the two by Nukata; although the classical editors note following it that it does not seem like a reply to the previous two, Itō Haku makes an intriguing argument relating to an old myth about Mount Miwa that indeed seems to support that it is in fact a reply poem and a very cleverly constructed one (or at least it is a poem related to Mount Miwa and therefore is appropriately listed following the two Nukata verses).

    Perhaps the most interesting aspect of Nukata's choka + hanka is the role of the clouds; the personification of them as something that is inhibiting her desire to gaze at the mountain and reflect on the years gone by. However, the question is whether this can truly be labeled personification—ancient Japanese religious tradition and the consciousness of the people of this period would have the clouds as deities anyway, as agents of change rather than as passive bodies of condensed water vapor floating along the wind. Thus a transitive verb is used (“kakusafu”) to describe the action of the clouds. The desire of the speaker to fixate their gaze on the mountain as a means of reflecting on the location which they are now leaving, is interesting again considering the relative importance of Mount Kagu from the time of Emperor Keitai compared to Mount Miwa, but Mount Miwa was again still a very sacred place and one of the symbols of Yamato, along with Mount Nara which is also mentioned in the choka, and so the speaker announces that until those mountains are hidden between the other moutains, and until the bends in the road pile up (i.e. they have gone too far for it to be visible any longer) she wants to keep gazing at them; with that strong desire, how can the heartless clouds even think to hide them from her? Even clouds ought to have hearts, and understand her desire... she (he/they) is leaving a place very dear, and faced with inevitable parting all that is left to do is gaze at the scenery of Yamato as it descends further and further into the distance. Clouds are the villain here, the obstruction preventing the realization of that desire. It is interesting that the clouds do not appear in the narrative until the end of the choka, however; we can almost feel the movement of the speaker/the procession through the lines of the choka. First we are at the foot of Mount Miwa, then Mount Nara, both with their traditional epithets, then we can feel them getting further and further away; we can feel the speaker straining to look behind as they go, even as the two mountains become lost among the others, and even as the road behind them expands and places more distance between themselves and the sacred mountains. And just while the speaker is gazing back at the mountains, trying to keep them in view, the clouds take over the scene. The movement of both space and time are thus very tangible in the narrative of the poem. The hanka, however, focuses on the last part, perhaps because it is the here and now, the end result of the speaker's effort to keep the mountains in view that was foiled by the clouds: the speaker laments that clouds too ought to have a heart to understand the difficulty of parting with these symbols of Yamato and the past/courtly tradition, so how can they be so cold to hide the mountains from her?

    As far as content goes, with the procession leaving Yamato for Apumi and lamenting the disconnection with the past and tradition that is thus encountered, the “reply” poem does not seem all that connected. Although it makes use of an ancient/local name for Mount Miwa (Pesokata) it lacks any sort of a similar lamenting tone. Rather it likens the way that the image of her love “attaches” to her eyes, or rather appears before her, to the way the hazel trees “attach” color to her clothes; the verb used in both cases is tsuku, in Japanese, having many meanings and thus the parallel is set up cleverly; I attempted to mimic this in my translation by using the verb “bring” in a similar way but it does not work quite a well. The “line of spun hemp thread” (pesokata no) as Itō hypothesizes sets the scene at Mount Miwa due to its connection with an old local legend about the mountain: a young beautiful girl named Ikutamayoribime living near the mountain who did not seem to have any male visitors somehow ended up pregnant, and when her parents asked her how it happened, she explained that a beautiful man she had never seen before suddenly appeared and … impregnated her. Wanting to know where he lived, by the order of the parents she sprinkled red earth on the floor and attached a needle threaded with a spool of hemp thread to the skirt of the man's garment (assumably when he next visited her), and the next morning the parents followed it to the shrine on Mount Miwa. They therefore discovered the man was in fact the god of Mount Miwa (miwa meaning three rings, which was all that was left on the spool of hemp thread in the morning, so that is where the name came from). Therefore “shape” of a line of hemp thread is another way to refer to Mount Miwa. Because of the “hari” meaning hazel tree also meaning needle, another way to interpret the part of the poem where the “color of the hazel trees in the field at the edge of the forest bring color to my garment” is that the “needle” attaches to “my garment” just as the needle threaded with hemp thread is attached to the garment of the god of Mount Miwa in the story. The “beloved” (wa ga se) mentioned at the end therefore could be then interpreted as the god and the poet as speaking from the perspective of the girl in the story. The image of her beloved appears as the color of the hazel trees bring color to her garment or as the needle is attached to the garment (thereby leading her to him as the girl/parents are led to Mount Miwa in the story). Therefore this poem is in fact rich with local flavor of the area around Mount Miwa, but whether it is a direct reply to Nukata no Ōkimi is questionable; but it fits well into the “narrative” of the Man'yoshu just where it is.

Thursday, 11 February 2010

  • The fragrance of the spring mountains vs. the color of the autumn mountains

    From now, I am going to attempt to romanize things in as Man'yoshu era a way as possible. This means things transcribed with modern h-sounds are pronounced as p-sounds, there are eight vowels, etc. The former will probably be easier to romanize than the latter, but I'll do my best. Not that it probably really matters to anyone who reads this, but I need to get into proper practice. I probably should also start writing with a more proper tone. But I might not... I kinda like the informality with which I get to discuss poems here, which is something I never get to do elsewhere in writing or speech, really. So... nah, I'm gonna keep writing like I would talk. But I will try to get better with my romanizations and translations, though I think my translations haven't been too bad to this point. There's of course plenty of room for improvement so I would definitely love suggestions on how to make things more literary-sounding etc.


    近江大津宮御宇天皇代 ( 天命開別天皇、諡曰天智天皇)

    近江の大津の宮に天の下知らしめす天皇の代 (天命開別天皇、諡して天智天皇といふ)


    In the era of the Heavenly Sovereign who ruled the realm beneath the heavens from the Opotsu Palace in Apumi


    天皇詔内大臣藤原朝臣競憐春山萬花之艶秋山千葉之彩時額田王以歌判之歌


    Upon the Emperor's order to the Interior Minister Lord Fujiwara, when the courtiers argued and praised the fragrance of the ten thousand flowers of the spring mountains and the colors of the thousand leaves of the autumn mountains, the poem with which Nukata no Ōkimi settled the debate.


    冬木成 春去来者 不喧有之 鳥毛来鳴奴 不開有之 花毛佐家礼杼 山乎茂 入而毛不取 草深 執手母不見 秋山乃 木葉乎見而者 黄葉乎婆 取而曽思努布 青乎葉 置手曽嘆久 曽許之恨之 秋山吾者


    冬こもり 春さり来れば 鳴かずありし 鳥も来鳴きぬ 咲かずありし 花も咲けれど 山を茂み  入りても取らず 草深み 取りても見ず 秋山の 木の葉を見ては 黄葉をば 取りてぞ偲ふ 青きをば 置きてぞ嘆く そこし恨めし 秋山我れは


    Puyu komori       The trees of winter emerge and flourish

    Paru sari kureba     When that spring comes,

    Nakazu arishi         Having not been crying,

    Tori mo ki nakinu       Birds emerge and cry out;

    Sakazu arishi         Having not been blooming,

    Pana mo sakeredo      even flowers bloom, but

    Yama wo shimi        Because the mountains grow so thick with color,

    Irite mo torazu        Even if I enter I cannot pluck;

    Kusa pukami         Because the grasses are so thick

    Torite mo mizu        Even if I pluck I cannot see;

    Akiyama nö          In the autumn mountains,

    Ko no pa wo mite pa     looking at the leaves of the trees,

    Momidi wo ba         the colored leaves,

    Torite sö shinopu       plucking them, I can admire;

    Awoki wo ba         The green leaves,

    Okite sö nageku       leaving them as they are, I lament,

    Sökö shi urameshi      That is what is regrettable—

    Akiyama ware pa      For me, the autumn mountains.


    From this poem we are now in the era of Emperor Tenchi, “the Heavenly Sovereign who reigned over the realm beneath the heavens from the Opotsu palace at Apumi” (Ōtsu/Ōmi in modern pronunciation). The preface tells us that Nukata settled an ongoing debate among courtiers (probably at some sort of banquet, since it talks of Tenchi ordering his Interior Minister Lord Fujiwara [Kamatari], and it is likely that imperial banquets were places where much poetry was composed, in both Chinese and Japanese. Since this order was from Tenchi to Kamatari, both male, it is sensible to assume that the order was to compose a Chinese poem and Itō Haku interprets, based on Kamatari's own account of the events as well, that the arguing the praises of the two different topics is among those poets attendant at the banquet in the form of Chinese poems, but no agreement can be reached. It is then Nukata no Ōkimi, with her incredible talent in vernacular composition, recites an uta, a Japanese poem, that settles the subject perfectly. One might read all sorts of things into this—such as a demonstration of the power of Japanese poetry vis-a-vis Chinese poetry etc., a display of vernacular prowess, even an indirect justification of the transcribing and collecting of Japanese poetry in general. (When confronted with the complexity of man'yo gana, one might wonder why they made the effort to preserve vernacular verse in this way).


    This poem is well known to this day, and the topic it addresses is by no means a theme that is let be after it. The subject of judging the spring vs the autumn is a familiar poetic trope... and surely based on the context of this poem we might think it's one that originated in China (I'm wording it this way because I have not actually checked into this so don't take my word for it... but since Tenchi was requesting Chinese poems on the topic, it seems that would be the case). However, what is interesting is the absence of any melancholy imagery connected to autumn... perhaps this is something that had really yet to take hold completely in the Japanese poetic psyche. Really, in Nukata's judgment of spring against autumn, she choose autumn because she can pick a colored leaf and presumably press it etc. and it will last—whereas she cannot do the same with a green leaf or flower of spring. Whether this the correct way to look at what she's saying I'm not quite sure, but she seems to be attributing a more attainable, more lasting quality to autumn leaves than to green leaves and flowers of springs. She laments that she must leave the green leaves as they are because she cannot pluck them as she can the autumn leaves; the mountains grow too thick in the spring and summer, she cannot enter and pick anything, but during autumn the landscape is gradually thinned out and she is allowed access. Although she praises both autumn and spring landscapes within the poem, she judges for autumn based on the fact that the flourishing flora of spring are fleeting, they cannot last, even if she picks them for herself; picking a colored autumn leaf, however, she can admire it indefinitely. It's an interesting idea—she prefers the autumn because, unlike the spring, she can break off a piece and take it with her, keep it with her through the other seasons. Autumn in later poetry is not seen in this way; it is the season of the death of nature and is associated with melancholy imagery, associations derived from Chinese poetry. Autumn as something lasting, something able to be kept and preserved after it is gone, is something unique to this particular choka, it would seem.


    What is interesting as far as structure is that is seems to be made of clear units: the first two ku set the scene as the beginning of spring with a makura kotobafuyu ko mori” i.e. the trees of winter “flourish,” which is normally associated with the word “haru,” spring. “Fuyu ko mori” could also be interpreted as “fuyu komori” i.e. “winter seclusion” - perhaps alluding to spring being secluded/inside/locked away for the length of winter. It really probably actually carries both associations... both the trees emerging from winter and exploding with new life, and the “spring” being secluded for the length of winter and just now emerging. The next four ku offer a spring scene, contrasting it with the winter environment; birds whose calls could not be heard during winter are now emerging and calling out, flowers who were not blooming now bloom. The last part of this sets up a contrast: “sakeredo”, with the suffix “-do” adds “but” so that the listener/reader knows the next portion will provide a contrast to the imagery of spring that is providing an emergence from a winter scene. Now Nukata uses the next four ku to describe the drawbacks to spring that she observes, in sets of two “Because of, I can't-” is the pattern here. The vegetation is indeed lush as she observed in the first four ku, but that very lush vegetation prevents her from entering and picking a piece for herself. The next four ku provide set up the spring/autumn contrast; whereas the vegetation of spring is too lush to pick, and even if she were she would not be able to enjoy it long (“torite mo mizu”), looking at the colored leaves of the autumn mountain she is able to pick and thoroughly admire them. For most of the poem we see that it can be split thus into these sections of four ku that describe a scene and then contrast with what preceded it. The next two ku following this description of autumn contrast directly with the two ku before it, whereas the colored leaves she can pick and admire, the green leaves she must leave behind and lament (because they would not last even if she were to pick them). The finale then announces that that final contrast is what makes the spring lose out to the autumn for her, and her final line is a direct statement of her poetic argument—that the autumn mountains are what she prefers.


    This is a really interesting insight into the ever-running debate on which season is superior; the argument seems quite unique. The autumn is attainable and preservable, the spring lacks those qualities despite its flourishing. I myself prefer the autumn to the spring... and I rather like this way of looking at it. Not to get too into “I like this poem because...” but I personally am a Nukata fan in general... I like the way she thinks... and I've never quite been able to describe why I prefer autumn to spring and she does it beautifully. I'm not sure if I share the exact reasons, but her ability to articulate these sorts of matters is what perhaps made her one of the great court poets of the era, a “poetess possessing great words” as Ito Haku describes her. She did seem to truly had a talent for expressing thought and feeling orally through the power of kotodama, of words.

Tuesday, 09 February 2010

  • Quarrels among the mountains...

    中大兄(近江宮御于天皇)三山歌


    Poem about the “Three Mountains” by Naka no Ohoe (the sovereign who reigned the realm beneath the heavens from the palace at Afumi)


    高山波 雲根火雄男志等 耳梨與 相諍競伎 神代従 如此尓有良之 古昔母 然尓有許曽 虚蝉毛 嬬乎 相格良思吉


    香具山は畝傍を惜しと耳成と相争ひき神代よりかくにあるらしいにしへもしかにあれこそうつせみも妻を争ふらしき


    Kaguyama ha                        Mount Kagu,

    Unebi wo woshi to                fearing the loss of Unebi,

    Miminashi to                         fought with

    Ahi arasohiki                         Miminashi.

    Kamiyo yori                          From that time in the Age of the Gods,

    Kaku ni aru rashi                 it seems it has been this way

    Inishihe mo                           In times past

    Shika ni are koso                  as it was also that way

    Utsusemi mo                        So it seems that in this world

    Tsuma wo                            Over spouses

    Arasofu rashiki                    we fight.


    (traditional interpretation)

    or.....


    Kaguyama ha                       Mount Kagu,

    Unebi wowoshi to                 finding Unebi gallant,

    Miminashi to                         disobeyed

    Ahi arasohiki                       Miminashi.

    Kamiyo yori                         From that time in the Age of the Gods,

    Kaku ni aru rashi                it has been this way

    Inishihe mo                          In times past

    Shika ni are koso               as it was also that way

    Utsusemi mo                     So it seems that in this world

    Tsuma wo                          Our spouses

    Arasofu rashiki                   we disobey.


    反歌


    高山与 耳梨山与 相之時 立見尓来之 伊奈美国波良


    香具山と耳成山とあひし時立ちて見に来し印南国原


    Kaguyama to                    When Mount Kagu

    Miminashi yama to           and Mount Miminashi

    Ahishi toki                        had their fight

    Tachite mi ni koshi          He came to see this land,

    Inami kunihara                 The great plain of Inami.


    渡津海乃 豊旗雲尓 伊理比紗之 今夜乃月夜 清明己曽


    海神の豊旗雲に入日さし今夜の月夜さやけくありこそ


    Watatsumi no                    Over the great sea

    Toyo hata kumo ni           Through the abundant banner clouds

    Irihi sashi                          The setting sun shines

    Koyohi no tsukuyo            May the moonlight this evening

    Sayakeku ari koso             also shine brilliantly.


    右の一首の歌は、案ふるに反歌に似ず。ただし、旧本、この歌をもちて反歌に載す。この故に、今もなほしこの次に載す。また、紀には「天豊財重日足姫天皇の先の四年乙巳に、天皇を立てて皇太子となす」といふ。


    The above poem, in thinking about it does not seem like an envoy. However, in an old book, this poem was listed as an envoy. Therefore, now we have put it as an envoy following this. Also, in the Chronicles [Nihon shoki] it says, “In the fourth year Younger Brother of Wood Snake of the first reign of Ame toyo takara ikashi hitarashi hime no Sumera Mikoto [Empress Kōgyoku], he was made crown prince.”



    The first two poems here seem relatively unconnected to the the third, whose images differ entirely with the first two. The note following the third poem admits it does not seem to be an envoy to the chōka, but lists it as such because it had been included as one in an older book.


    The chōka & hanka team here (poems 13 & 14) are part of, and possibly the origin of, the infamous story of the love triangle involving Tenchi, Tenmu, and Nukata no Ōkimi. These two poems have traditionally been interpreted as Tenchi presenting an allegory for his struggle with Tenmu over Nukata, by invoking this old legend about a quarrel among the “three mountains of Yamato” found in the Harima no Kuni Fudoki (one of several texts compiled in the early eighth century about the various provinces that had come to be considered part of the domain of the Yamato court). However, there is no real evidence to support the idea of a love triangle except old legends (that probably started with this poem) and this poem. So, I tend to think Itō Haku is more correct in his interpretation that this poem was likely part of the ritual involved in passing through a particular province, as with several of the previous poems, in that Tenchi here is invoking a well known story of the country he is passing through to submit a ritualized plea for safety on the journey to the deities of the particular region via a poem. By relating the world/era of the gods to the world/reality of now, he is calling out to the spirits of the region (who of course still reside there). The connection he makes, that the story is the reason why people continue to fight over wives to this day (i.e. his day) is perhaps a bit out of context, though, I admit, for a travel poem asking for blessing from local deities. It would seem like it was somehow motivated by something for Tenchi personally, but the reality is we have no way to know either way. Perhaps it was only a natural way to conclude a poem concerning that particular legend of the three mountains' love triangle; but Tenchi does spend about half the poem pointing out that from the age of the gods it was “this way,” and in the past it was “that way,” so in the present world it must also be. Making the point that this (mal-)practice has an origin with the gods and has been passed down thusly to the present reality seems to suggest something about the present reality, that a parallel situation is occurring, and that parallel situation might involve Tenchi himself... or it might not. It could simply involve someone close to him etc.

    So there is plenty of reason one might want to go with the traditional view that this poem is somehow representative of the conflict between Tenchi-Nukata-Tenmu, if there was one. Itō Haku suggests that based on the region being sung about, that this poem was composed on the journey to fight for Paekche at Saimei's command. Thus in attendance to the journey would have been Saimei and Nukata, whom we have already seen poems from/concerning on this particularly journey, as well as Tenmu and Tenchi's own wife, thought to be Nukata's older sister. The second reading of the poem makes Mount Kagu the female in the triangle, and her judging Unebi to be “gallant,” inspires a disagreement between her and Miminashi, who would then be her husband. I'm not sure which view is in accordance with the actual legend, but the difference here is in the second ku “Unebi wo woshi to” being interpreted as “Unebi wowoshi to,” changing the meaning from “fearing the loss of Unebi,” to “thinking Unebi gallant,” with the subject still Mount Kagu, i.e. changing Mount Kagu into a female who is straying/disobeying her husband. I mention this theory not only because it is the other main way to interpret this poem but because based on the meaning of the verb “arasofu” in this period, it seems more apt to render it disobey/oppose rather than an actual fight, although I suppose the meanings are connected enough. This particular theory incorporates that type of nuance for “arasofu” quite well, however. I am still partial to read it the other way, although I'm curious exactly how the legend is supposed to go. It may well be part of the Harima no Kuni Fudoki that is no longer extant, since both interpretations are put forward currently.

    The hanka further delves into the legend, the way Itō Haku interprets it, as involved the figure Abono Ohomikami, who is said to come from Izumo to Harima upon hearing about the quarrel, and when he arrives at the great plain of Inami, he hears the fight has stopped. Although the subject is not specified in the hanka, it becomes clear to someone knowledgeable of this legend that “he” rather than a first person subject is meant. Conversely, one could see it functioning as both he/I, with Tenchi likening himself to the deity by saying he has come to see the great plain of Inami just as Abono Ohomikami had upon hearing of the quarrel. One might even see Tenchi as speaking for Abono Ohomikami, as Abono Ohomikami... therefore the poetic voice is not Tenchi's but Abono Ohomikami. If one were to continue with the interpretation of the Tenchi-Nukata-Tenmu triangle, one might then think of Abono Ohomikami coming again to the great plain of Inami upon hearing about those three; i.e. the legend is recurring in the “present world.” However, what is really happening here may just be that the party had arrived at the great plain of Inami, and recalling the legend, Tenchi composed the chōka about it, and then in the hanka incorporated the place by recalling yet another aspect of the story, probably that which originally incited the poem, that of Abono Ohomikami's journey to Harima and particularly this plain of Inami. All of this would have been part of obtaining the blessing of the gods dwelling there, quite possibly that of Abono Ohomikami himself... this would be fairly standard practice in travel poetry, so taking the second level of meaning about the love triangle in the “present world” involves a certain level of abstraction that may or may not actually be there; as far as the response of the reader, however, it is perfectly acceptable. Although the Tenchi-Nukata-Tenmu triangle may not have been historical fact and it may not have been what Tenchi was attempting to address in these two poems, if that second layer of meaning inspires further enjoyment of the poem by a modern reader, there's nothing really wrong with that... in fact it kind of reminds me of a Korean drama I've seen recently (haha here we go intertextuality) so I like thinking of it that way... right or wrong it's enjoyable :)

    The third poem, as mentioned, does not really seem to be a hanka as noted, but again has an air of religiosity about it. In speaking of the “great sea” the poem is also addressing the great spirit/deity of the sea, who is seen as controlling the “abundant banner clouds” through which the setting sun is shining. Both the notion of the spirit of the sea being in control of the clouds and just the general idea of the great outstretching sea are invoked by “watatsumi.” Possibly the speaker is expressing their wish for the moonlight to shine brightly as well to the spirit/deity of the sea, as the light shining over his domain could be seen as being in his control. Regardless, on the surface the poem seems quite simplistic in the speaker's wish for the moonlight to be bright as well, but the religious undertone adds yet another dimension of direct and at the same time indirect address to the deity expressing these wishes. The tone seems to be that of a sea traveler wishing the light at night to be just as bright as to ensure a safe journey, perhaps, in tone with the previous poems which serve as pleas to the deities for safe passage. However, the poem still seems pretty unrelated to the previous two. We cannot really be sure if it's also by Tenchi, but one might think that even though it's unrelated perhaps that was why it was included with the other two, due to common authorship; however, there is one theory that the poem is by Nukata, and Itō Haku agrees with this, citing that he thinks she is the only one who could compose such a poem (implying its superiority to the previous two). I am not really sure what to think, but if the previous poems pleaing with the deities for safe passage were by Nukata, and she as the “possessor of great words” were to have composed this it would not be strange, but there is no way to prove authorship.

Wednesday, 03 February 2010

  • 中皇命徃于紀温泉之時御歌

    中皇命、紀伊の温泉に往す時の御歌


    Honorable poems from when Nakatsu Sumera Mikoto proceeded to the hotsprings at Kii


    君之齒母 吾代毛所知哉 磐代乃 岡之草根乎 去来結手名


    君が代も我が代も知るや岩代の岡の草根をいざ結びてな


    Kimi ga yo mo                    Of the life of my lord

    Wa ga yo mo shiru ya        and my own life, are they aware?

    Ihashiro no                         In Iwashiro

    Oka no kusane wo             the grass roots in the foot hills...

    Iza musubite na                 well, shall we tie them together?


    (Kimi no hamo Aga yo mo shiraru ya Ihashiro no Oka no kusane wo Iza musubite na)



    吾勢子波 借廬作良須 草無者 小松下乃 草乎苅核


    我が背子は仮廬作らす草なくは小松が下の草を刈らさね


    Wa ga seko ha                   My dear husband

    Kari iho tsukurasu            builds a make-shift hut

    Kaya naku ha                  If there are no grasses for the roof,

    Komatsu ga shita no        I wish he would cut

    Kaya wo karasane           the grasses beneath the small pines.


    (A ga seko ha Kari iho tsukurasu Kusa nakeba Komatsu ga moto no Kusa wo karasane)


    吾欲之 野嶋波見世追 底深伎 阿胡根能浦乃 珠曽不拾 (或頭云 吾欲 子嶋羽見遠)


    我が欲りし野島は見せつ底深き阿胡根の浦の玉ぞ拾はぬ 


    Wa ga horishi                   Noshima, which I longed so to see,

    Noshima ha misetsu         has been shown to me;

    Soko fukaki                     From the deep waters

    Agone no ura no              of the bay of Agone

    Tama zo hirihanu             I have yet to find any pearls.


    右は、山上憶良大夫が類聚歌林に検すに、曰はく、「天皇の御製歌云々」といふ。

    The above, as explained by Yamanoue no Okura in Ruijiu Karin, quote,The honorable compositions of the Sovereign, etc. etc.”

    These three poems are bound together by their authorship and the final note that once again indicates that although these are stated to be poems by an individual known as “Nakatsu Sumera Mikoto” or someone who serves as a communicator between the sovereign and the deities, they are actually compositions by the Empress Saimei herself. These poems are also set at the imperial procession to the hotsprings in Kii, a continuation from the last few.


    In the first poem, I found it striking that you find “Kimi ga yo” “Your life,” which could also mean “my lord's reign” or “your reign” (coincidentally the title of the Japanese national anthem...) followed by “Wa ga yo” - “my life” or “my reign,” so even before reading the final note regarding them being Saimei's poems (i.e. her poetic voice—she is the speaker, perhaps) I thought, well this has got to be by some sort of emperor/empress, and I also thought of Saimei not only because of the last few poems dealing with her imperial procession but also because she had two sons, Tenchi and Tenmu, one who was to take the throne after her, who she could easily be addressing, or also she could be talking to her husband or any number of relatives. So this wording immediately made me think of imperial persons, but then I checked the man'yo gana. Something peculiar is happening here... why is “wa ga yo” clearly written as such (well could be “a ga yo” but really there are no problems reading it this way) but the part read “kimi ga yo” really looks like “kimi no ha” or “kimi ga ha” instead? The possessive marker is used between 君“kimi” and 齒“ha” but not between 吾 “wa/a” and 代 “yo”: we just assume it's there in the second instance. Why the difference in transcription? Well it could just be that 吾代 was a more common compound where it would be clear to know to insert the possesive “ga.” But the 齒 “ha” is a bit more problematic here than the lack of the possessive, it is always read “ha” in man'yo gana, there are no instances of it being read any other way and if they truly meant to contrast the “yo” of “kimi” and the “yo” of “a” then why use a different transcription? Repeating the seem character would surely be the best way to show contrast. What bothers me most though, because using different characters to represent the same sound is quite common so one could argue for it, is that no where else is this read any way but as “ha.” So I tend to think this ought to be read “ha” as well. So perhaps this is a case of no explicit object being identified in the first ku and the object from the second ku being implied as being the same as the first, “ha” and “mo” both being particles, “ha” identifying the subject as “yours” i.e. “your ___” (the __ being identified in the following ku), and “mo” meaning “yours as well as mine” “your and mine” and also adding emphasis. So I'm tempted to read this first ku as “kimi no ha mo.”

    The second ku, I also take slight issue with the way it is read by Ito, mostly because his reading “wa ga yo mo shiru ya” ignores the character which should imply a passive. So why is this not rendered “wa ga yo mo shiraru ya” ? It of course creates “ji-amari” i.e. 8 syllables in the line rather than the standard 7, but this happens a lot in early Man'yoshu poetry and so I don't really see it as that big of a problem and I see it as more of a problem to completely ignore the . So this passive could either be an honorific or in general a passive—are my life and yours known, are my reign and yours known (i.e. to the gods)? It really should be translated as both and honorific and a passive, I think...

    So this poem is essentially a sort of religious practice, which you can also grasp from the designated author, who is supposed to be an intermediary between the gods and the sovereign, where the speaker is sort of rhetorically wondering whether the gods are aware of herself and this other (a husband possibly... also could be son etc, as mentioned above—anyone close to Saimei could really work, Jomei, Tenchi, Tenmu, Kōtoku etc.)'s not only their lives but by extension their reigns of the “realm beneath the heavens”... and in Iwashiro, the speaker proposes they tie the ends of gras roots together on the hill. Ito thinks that Nakatsu Sumera Mikoto, who has taken on the voice of Saimei, is addressing the crown prince (Tenchi). Also according to Ito, there was a custom at the time to pray to the earth spirits for a peaceful/safe journey by tying grass or tree branches. So this poem indeed is a relic of ancient ritual to pray to the gods of a certain area when passing through on a journey. I always especially enjoy reading these sorts of poems out loud, trying to chant them as they might have at the time and feel the religiosity as I speak the words. I'll never know if I'm having a similar effect as they might have, but I can still have fun with it, right?


    The second poem does not immediately seem connected to the first until Ito suggests that the grasses beneath the small pines are sacred, and as they have asked for the blessing of the deities in the region they are traveling, to use those for a shelter roof would be most appropriate. Again then this is supposedly a poem with religious overtones and perhaps that overtone is derived from its composer and her position. Personally I don't detect it right away in reading it, but perhaps that stems from my own lack of knowledge on the significance of pines and in particular small pines in the poetry of this era; or the significance of grass for shelter roofs. Glancing at Ito's interpretation again, it seems pine trees were considered sacred, they were a sort of symbol of eternity (not too different from the image of “evergreens” in the west, I suppose) and thus picking grasses for the roof from beneath the sacred pine meant that they would be infused with a sort of spiritual quality that would in turn serve to protect the traveler (my dear husband) while he slept.

    Again I have a few issues with the reading here, but they are not as significant to the meaning—well not that they were in the previous poem. First of all the reading “kaya” for 草 “kusa” which in all normal circumstances should be read “kusa” is a bit strange but seems to have been interpolated based on the context of the “make-shift shelter” and the fact that grasses meant for the roof are called “kaya.” Still, how do we know the poet did not mean to be less specific concerning the use of the grasses—although yes it does certainly make sense considering the first two ku. So that's not such a problem, in terms of translation at least, since as far as I know we don't have one word for “grasses for the roof” so I had to just use “grasses” anyhow. The only other thing is that the here could well be read “ba” instead of “ha” although this does not change the meaning at all; but it could make the form “nakeba” instead of “nakuha.”

    One interesting thing to note is at the end here the character used for “sane” has almost a double function; yes it gets the syllables “sa-ne” across, but it also can mean the root/bottom of a tree. Thus reading the man'yo gana is sort of a joy within itself when one comes across clever uses such as this; the reading is a kun or Japanese reading manipulated to not only convey sound but also indirectly the setting of the final two ku, reinforcing the effect for the reader of the text—although yes you could argue this was primarily meant for aural consumption. Oh well, it's still fun for me.


    The third poem (#12 over all, in case any one is wondering) is another infused with a religious spirit, mainly contained in the word “tama” which here is transcribed with the character for jewel/pearl so we can assume that is the primary meaning, but also is a homonym of “tama” for spirit/soul. “Tama” as in a jewel/pearl would have actually been seen as a symbol for the soul/spirit, and was a precious item used in religious rituals. When the poetess is talking about finding pearls at the bottom of the Bay of Agone, she is really wanting to send such an item as a symbol of her soul to those that have protected and cared for her along the journey to Noshima, the place she wanted to see so badly. At least such is Ito's take. It is likely that “tama” is indeed meant to have a double meaning here, meaning she has not picked up/found any pearls and she has also not found her spirit. This might in turn connect with the first two ku which talk of having desired to visit Noshima—perhaps she somehow thought her spirit had wandered there, or perhaps she's not talking about her spirit at all but general spirits, since she is supposed to be a medium of sorts. Regardless, essentially the poet is expressing not only a desire to travel (contrary to later conventions on travel as a melancholy necessity filled with homesickness) to a certain locale, but also a sense of disappointment that she did not find what she was looking for there. She came searching for a pearl/spirit, to keep for herself or share with those on her journey with her, but she is unable to find it. So what does that mean in the end? She cannot find her spirit, she cannot find a spirit... is she conveying an anxiety about her role as a medium? Well, probably not... but she cannot find what she was searching for here. So her search continues, as she changes her desire to travel to a different locale. Perhaps she will eventually find what she is looking for, perhaps not... but in general I do like this poem, because it conveys a sense of expectations not met, of going to a place that one had dreamed about only to find that what one expected to be there was not. I think I could use a poem like this on certain days.

Friday, 29 January 2010

  • Attempting to decipher the undecipherable....

    紀伊の温泉に幸す時に、額田王が作る歌


    莫囂円隣之大相七兄爪謁気我が背子がい立たせりけむ厳橿が本



    幸于紀温泉之時額田王作歌


    莫囂円隣之 大相七兄爪謁気 吾瀬子之 射立為兼 五可新何本


    At the time of the Imperial procession to the hot springs in Kii, a poem by Nukata no Okimi

    Maku mari no       In the Maku forest

    Ta so nae tsumaeke    who is gathering the withered plants?

    A ga seko no        My dear husband

    Itataserikemu       must have been standing there

    Itsukashi ga moto     underneath the sacred oak.



    Okay so I played around with the first two lines of this a lot, trying to get some sort of reading out of it. There are a lot of theories but no agreed-upon reading for these two lines of one of the most enigmatic “nankun” poems of the Man'yoshu. I mean honestly who am I to expect I can come up with a reading that generations of scholars (dating from Sengaku in the 13th century) could not. Well I attempted it anyway... thinking it couldn't hurt to have a fresh pair of eyes look at it, and I really do enjoy these sorts of puzzles. So I went for it. And the results were, expectedly, inconclusive. I came up with a couple possibilities, such as “nagomarishi taahi nae so eke” only the first part of which would make sense, or “maku mari no ta so nae tsumaeke” which you know what I think I'm gonna go with. It's probably completely wrong, but it at least could mean something. I though the “maku” reading would be appropriate considering how the Japanese transcribed a Paekche instrument called a “makumo” as 莫目 so why not... and the reading for the second character is in modern “gō” (or “kō”) but who's to say it couldn't have been read “ku” or “gu”... I've seen this in other instances. The character “円” seems like it is usually read “ma” rather than any sort of “e” sound in these type of transcriptions, the “隣” is pretty constant as “ri”, and the “之” could be either “shi” or “no” but let's try “no.” Really it's one of those why the heck not type of situations... no one knows how it should be read, so let's just read it however we please. The next seven are even more troublesome. “大相” looks like some sort of compound, in fact it's a title in ancient China I am told, but it does not appear elsewhere in Japanese 8th century texts (thank you to my advisor yesterday for helping me figure all this out...) so really how to read this is anyone's guess. “大” is usually read “ta” in the Man'yoshu, so I went with that, and “相” I feel like is usually read “ahi” when I've seen it but as that didn't make much sense, I went for the Chinese reading which would be something like “so” I suppose (i.e. an emphatic so/zo). This actually helped me determine the final “気” should be read “ke” instead of “ki” because the so/zo would make a kakari musubi so that the end would have to be an izenkei form, and those usually have the “e” sound. “七” and “兄” have pretty standard sounds in the Man'yoshu as “na” and “e” so I thought it best to stick with those... no need to wander away from a fairly standard reading. “爪” is almost always read “tsuma” when used in transcriptions in the 8th century (again I owe this knowledge to the conversation with my advisor yesterday... thank you Professor...) so I opted to stick with that. Now “謁” I wondered quite a while about how to read... it's modern on-yomi being “etsu” and kun “mamieru” or “tsugeru.” I'm personally not that familiar with the character's usage. It's also the only usage in the Man'yoshu and 8th century transcriptions (man'yo gana) so there was no point of reference. A lot of characters simply have their reading truncated, however, when used in Man'yo gana, so I figured “e” would be a safe guess. This would enable me to interpret the “e” as the mizenkei of “yu,” a passive auxiliary verb used exclusively in the Jodai period. Attached to it's mizenkei “e” would then be “ke,” the izenkei (because of the kakarimusubi) of the “ku” form, a nominalizing auxiliary verb again used exclusively in Jodai. So the literal meaning would essentially then be, for the first two lines “As for the gathering of the withered plants in Maku forest, who was it?” and then what follows would be the poet speculating her husband must have been there standing under the sacred tree (i.e. was it him...?)


    Again, this is probably all completely wrong. But I like that I had fun with it and produced something that could actually means something and is grammatically correct. Also “mari” is not really forest, “mori” would be, but based on some theories I've read about the transformation of the Paekche word “mori/mari” (mountain) into the Japanese “mori” I thought why not think of it as a forest, it could also have been mountain, sure. There is an example of a poem by Saimei (very close to Nukata, remember? Ito Haku thinks this poem too is Nukata reading a poem to express Saimei's feelings) in the Nihon shoki that uses the form “mure” for hill/mountain, so why not? With theories abound about Nukata & Saimei's origins possibly being connected to Paekche, it can work. And even if not, we can still interpret it as “forest” and perhaps re-read “円” as “mo” and think of it as an anomaly. There was no set orthography so really, why not? But I like to think this might have been mountain/forest(maybe the word incorporated a more general concept of 'wilderness') in its transitional form and so “mari” would then work. Regardless, my reading is probably all wrong anyway so it doesn't really matter.


    Ito Haku and others speculate elaborately that the first two lines here are made deliberately illegible to outside parties. Perhaps Nukata (and/or Saimei) was trying to mask some sort of secret happenings regarding Saimei's nephew Arima, or Nukata was sending a secret message to Tenmu (her husband) as the poem addresses him. I would argue that if that was the case, if people were not supposed to be able to know what the poem said, why include it in the Man'yoshu? Why anthologize something meant to be private? I mean in a way the Man'yoshu still would have only been accessible to certain people and thus was still sort of “private” but it still seems a bit odd to me to include something that no one could read in a collection of poetry for the ages.


    There probably was some way that Nukata intended this to be read and no one will ever know what it was. I like to think my reading is a valiant attempt to decipher something considered un-decipherable, however wrong it may be. I prefer doing that to just putting XXXXXXX for the first two lines because no one knows what it means. I like a challenge, and even though I could never know if I'm right I enjoyed doing this more than just saying “no one knows” and moving on. Well I might try to figure out what this poem might say in idu/Paekche later once I've got a better grasp on those two things, I tried a bit yesterday hence the reference to the Paekche instrument but I just didn't find enough information on readings in Paekche... so I think I would have to go to idu next. But that is for another day, I think I made a good attempt for now. On to poem #10 asap.

Top Tags

[no tags]

yomibitoshirazu

  • Visit yomibitoshirazu's Xanga Site
    • Name: yomibitoshirazu
    • Gender: Female
    • Member Since: 4/25/2008

Archives

Don't worry - your calendar is here… to see it in action just click "Save" above and refresh the page.

About Me

[no info]

Groups

[no groups]

Pulse

yomibitoshirazu has no pulse!...

Photostrip

[no photos]

Recommended

[no recommendations]